Fabrizio Casari, Altrenotizie, 29 de junio 2021
https://www.altrenotizie.org/in-evidenza/9327-oea-il-nulla-cosmico.html
The motion passed by the OAS, which basically accuses Nicaragua of a political use of justice, is a masterpiece of hypocrisy. Not only because it takes not the slightest note of the reality of the facts and making and imposing - a totally politicized reading of events, but also because it demands of Nicaragua what it does not ask of any other country. At the same time, the lack of interest in the judicial investigation that is shaking Costa Rica, whose ruling class is among the most corrupt in the world, should seem at least curious.
In Costa Rica, as in Nicaragua, investigations are under way to investigate a criminal corruption and money laundering operation involving politics and the financial system. Exactly the same thing happening in Nicaragua, except that all eyes are on Managua, while everyone's eyes are blindfolded as regards San Jose.
It is strange, then, that at a time of great upheavals throughout the continent and with at least one humanitarian emergency, in Colombia and a health emergency in Brazil, the OAS finds the means and the time to meet to talk about Nicaragua. Curious, isn't it? The permanent repression that has been staining the streets of Colombia with blood and pain for the last 45 days may be a problem seen from Cali or Bogota, but it certainly it is no problem seen from the OAS offices in Washington.
Elections? The dubious scrutiny of the ballot box and the harsh repression that followed the storming of the US Capitol did not aroused the slightest alarm in the OAS, perhaps because the "exceptional nation" status of the United States requires examination through special selective lenses, good for looking outside the US but not so good looking inside. Repression? Apart from Colombia and the Chilean massacres, not even the fierce repression of a few months ago in Panama and Costa Rica deserved the attention of the institution. Even less, of course, the attempted coup d'état in Peru, in which the OAS is participating hrough its shameful secretary general Almagro, leader of the gang of traitors who made their careers in the ranks of the Left, only to enrich themselves in those of the right.
As a sign of the importance of respect for human rights and against all abuses of power, the OAS resolution approved against Nicaragua approved had the votes of Honduras, a narco-state in which the president and his brother are being investigated for drug trafficking, and of Colombia, whose president, Iván Duque, shares with his mentor, Álvaro Uribe an accusation of crimes against humanity. International jurists make the same accusation against Sebastián Piñera, Chile's penal-system president, another who votedagainst Nicaragua, along with Uruguay, which has just passed laws similar to those in force during its military dictatorship.
It is completely superfluous to weigh the vote of Jair Bolsonaro's Brazil, which has achieved in a few years the unedifying feat of establishing an international equation between shame and brazil. Also voting along with them is the now expired government of Peru and, to symbolize the rigorous commitment of the OAS to respect for democracy, the representative of Juan Guaido, whom the OAS shamefully misrepresents as the representative of Venezuela, which has in fact withdrawn from the OAS. Guaido signed a resolution calling for transparent elections as someone who illegally represents a country, someone who was never elected and for whom no one ever voted. Extraordinary example of the democratic model that Almagro has in mind.
Guaido, associated with Alvaro Uribe's Colombian drug trafficking accomplices, is a ridiculous comic, elected president by a tweet from Mike Pence, former vice president of the United States. He does not represent Venezuela because no one elected him and he has no influence in the country. The least government official in Venezuela has more authority than Guaido, who now enjoys the fate of church dogs in Latin America: no one hunts him but no one welcomes him either. Except the OAS.
In that OAS vote on Nicaragua , the abstention of Mexico and Argentina was a surprise. It was a serious political error, because regardless of their judgment of the matter, to consider that the OAS is empowered to issue authorization or not for internal procedures in the fight against organized crime or to the application of a country's domestic legislation is a dangerous mistake, because it sets a precedent of manipulative interference that runs the risk setting a future precedent against the governments in Mexico City and Buenos Aires.
A ridiculous institution
The "Ministry of Colonies of the United States" is how the OAS was defined by Comandante Fidel Castro, and even today it seems a perfect synthesis of its profile. In fact, since its founding, the OAS has revealed itself as an institution committed to serving the U.S. system of continental control. In fact, the OAS has supported every U.S. military aggression - direct or indirect - against the whole of Latin America, even committing itself to offering each aggression a kind of continental political and legal endorsement. More than a multilateral continental organization, the OAS remains the media relations office, defense council, and political reserve of U.S. political-military dominance over all of America.
But it has been with the arrival of Almagro that the oAS has made a definitive leap from support in depth of U.S. initiatives to direct accomplice, from being an auxiliary reserve to being the leading protagonist of destabilization and coup d'états, which have always represented the true face of U.S. presence in Latin America.
Indicative of the new role of the Almagro regime, has been the crusade against Venezuela, where the former proponent of Uruguay's progressive Frente Amplio said that the option of military intervention against Caracas could not be ruled out. The management of Venezuela's case in collusion with Washington and the Venezuelan ultra-right, assisted on the ground by the Colombian narco-state, has resulted in one failure after another. But the worst example of this new OAS role of direct intervention was its unquestionable leadership of the coup d'état in Bolivia, which snatched away the legitimate victory of Evo Morales, in order to hand over the government of the Andean nation, to the abominable Jeanine Añez.
Almagro and Nicaragua
In the case of Nicaragua, his role as a political counterweight to the government has been progressively ever more clear, with the timing of his actions being dictated by the U.S. calculations. Although initially, during his visit to the country in 2018, he had identified for himself the coup's campaign of lies, even arguing with some of its leaders, like Carlos Fernando Chamorro, the doyen of mercenary hack journalism, Almagro subsequently moved full speead ahead to the role the US assigned to him in support of the coup.
OAS identification with the coup has had different steps: the first was the recognition of the political dialogue that took place through meetings with many photos and hugs of the Secretary General of the OAS with the coup conspirators, who travelled in procession to Washington to meet with officials and executives to ask for coercive measures and punishments for their country. The fact that the OAS Secretary General met with the conspirators cannot be dismissed as a gesture of courtesy: given his formal role as Secretary General, Almagro should have rejected those meetings, since the institutions and government of each country are the interlocutor and point of contact for the OAS, not the country's opposition, even more so if they are the instigators of a coup.
That series of photographs turned the OAS from a multilateral organization, of which the Nicaraguan government is a member, into its political enemy. The images had a precise purpose: the political endorsement of the coup and, on the other hand, the refusal to support the Nicaraguan Government in its electoral law reforms, planned precisely to prepare for the electoral calendar and agreed upon, in their technical aspects, with the OAS itself. A betrayal of the internal loyalty of the organization and its own role as guarantor of the internal constitutional order of each country, precisely the role provided for in the treaty that created the OAS. All the more so when the body's actions are supposed to defend the constitutionality of each member country.
Over the past few months, Almagro has become more radical, repeatedly proposing discussion of Nicaragua in the OAS, when there was no reason to do so, as a means of permanent pressure on Managua, with the latent threat of applying the Democratic Charter, for which Almagro still lacks sufficient numbers.
Whether the resolution against Nicaragua is a serious problem for Managua remains to be seen. A close look, will reveal that who emerges with diminished legitimacy from the confrontation is the OAS itself, which has missed the bus for rehabilitating its image, which is now totally devoid of prestige and credibility.
Nicaragua is not and does not feel alone
There have been repeated demonstrations confirming the distance between the circuitous self-validation of the OAS and the authority of the UN. The contrast is very recent and follow each other juts a few hours apart. In fact, while the OAS expressed its condemnation of Nicaragua for taking the liberty of applying its own penal and civil code, the United Nations, a more genuine expression of the international community, rejected a motion condemning Managua by a resounding 134 to 59 . Tabled by the United States and the European Union, the motion turned out to be a numerical and political boomerang. Numerically, because if you add the 28 EU countries, the 24 OAS countries that a few hours earlier had signed an identical document, Australia, New Zealand and the United Kingdom, which are overseas territories of the U.S., along with Israel and their criminal Persian Gulf accomplices, hardly anyone in the world is willing to trust the good faith of the US led imperial gang.
Politically, the defeat of the U.S. and the EU is even harsher, because it confirms the international community's view that such imperialist policies and their neo-colonial nostalgia are obsolescent. The UN identifies, recognizes and rejects the imperial scheme, the policy of oppression exercised by every possible means, the permanent destabilization implemented against countries that do not obey their voracious desires, the vulgar and stupid attempt to present the attempt to destroy Nicaragua's freedom as a yearning for liberty. They are scripts and contexts visible from everywhere on the planet as fully representative of the imperial and colonial policy of a system aimed at absolute domination over countries not part of the Atlantic chessboard and with complete intolerance of any form of sovereign independent government inspired by socialism. That UN vote showed the utter impatience of the planet with the dominant neurosis of a nation convinced it can bend everything and everyone to its will.
Towards November 2021
There is no doubt about the imminent deployment of new and very strong U.S. coercive measures against Nicaragua. The RAIN plan, drawn up since 2019, already foresaw and prescribed them, and the Renacer act will be the final stamp of this latest imperial cowardice. But thinking that these measures are in response to the investigation that is bringing to light the criminality of the coup and the interference of the United States so as to generate destabilization, would be a colossal mistake.
Punitive measures against Nicaragua, like those taken against Venezuela and Cuba, do not respond to a mechanism of action/reaction in relation to internal or external political events. On the contrary, they are the instrument that Washington uses when it realizes that the level of popular support enjoyed by governments hostile to it, cannot be reduced via elections, that is, when its local mercenary proxies lack the credibiity to change the political situation via a conventional electoral campaign. Coercive measures therefore, become one of their weapons - together with coup attempts and financing the opposition - in an effort to reduce the support of the population for their respective governments. In Nicaragua's case, it is now a question of understanding what and how many measures Managua will decide to take to show Washington that blackmail, threats and unilateral coercive measures have a cost, direct and indirect, even for those who apply them and for themember of their fifth column.
Nicaragua has seen off the Marines and the Contras, cleansed its streets of the thugs paid for by the oligarchic landowners, and is ensuring that political crimes have legal effects: that it should now fear the opinion of the OAS seems, frankly, hard to imagine. If the OAS does not recognize the legitimacy of Nicaragua's electoral law, then Nicaragua does not recognize the role of the OAS as arbiter or supervisor of the electoral process. And with many good reasons, the first of which is OAS fondness for electoral fraud in favor of the right and, secondly, its declared pre-established political hostility to the government of Managua. This eliminates any objective or subjective value of the OAS, given its lack of impartiality and objectivity of judgment, the lack of adequate distance between its electoral role and its political sympathies, the denial of the fundamental value of the legal legitimacy of electoral processes, which is the essential basis of any electoral observation. How do you observe an election that you do not recognized?
Nicaragua will go ahead with its elections despite the objections of the OAS and that organization led by Almagro will not participate in the country's electoral process, nor will the United States nor the EU, which from Monday to Friday impose coercive measures and threats and then over the weekend pose as neutral arbitrators with the verdict already written. After all, although they were quite controversial, there were no Nicaraguan or European observers in the U.S. elections, so what is the problem if there are no U.S. or EU observers in the Nicaraguan elections? The absence of the OAS, specifically in Latin America, will mark the end of its role as arbitrator or supervisor. Will the OAS protest? Patience, there are more serious problems in the world.
On 7 November, the Nicaraguan electorate will go to the polls and put on their ballot their judgment on 14 years of Sandinista rule, their dreams and aspirations. When the polls close, the picture that will be presented will be as follows: Sandino will be abroad in every street in Nicaragua, while Almagro will only be able to pace back and forth on the carpet of his office in Washington.